Hi Cat:
I found info on Abraham Wood's Rev.
War service on the web. It mentions he was in the battle of
Monmouth, this is new info to me and it's not on your web page,
so I thought you'd like to know about it.
Abraham Wood
Born About 1758, Pennsylvania, died 18 Dec 1839 [Court Records]; 22
Dec 1840 [Statement of widow in her application for pension].
Married in 1807 to Nancy Bolin, she died in 1853. Children John;
Rachel Wright; Nancy Guy; Elisha [These named in the settlement of
the estate]; another son David, is given by descendants. Service
Private in Regiment of Colonel Patten, Pennsylvania Line, for 3
years. In battles of Fort Washington, Brandywine, Germantown,
Monmouth, and at Yorktown. Proof Pension Claim W. 6563; Probate
Court Records, Washington County, Indiana, page 240. Source Page
388, Roster of Soldiers and Patriots of the American Revolution
Buried in Indiana, 1938. Collected by Mrs. Harvey Morris, Salem,
Indiana. Ref.
Washington Co. IN Rev. War Veterans
http://jerry.vigo.lib.in.us/revoluti/washingt.htm
Your
Cousin in Hawaii, David
Battles fought by Abraham Wood in
Revolutionary War
Ft Washington Captured - Washington Retreats Through N.J.-1776
The British captured Fort Washington on Northern Manhattan Island on
November 16, 1776, without much difficulty. Washington proceeded into
New Jersey. He was pursued by Howe all the way south until he
successfully crossed the Delaware River.
The final act of the Battles of New York was the British capture of Fort
Washington. The Hudson River was guarded by Fort Washington and Fort
Lee, but the British managed to send ships past the forts without
difficulty, thus limiting their usefulness. The commander on the scene,
Colonel Nathaniel Greene, believed that he could hold the fort with the
3,000 men that he had. On November 27th, Howe struck the outer defenses
of the fort. They were too far away from the fort itself, and the
British broke through. After suffering heavy losses but acquitting
themselves well, the fort surrendered. Two thousand seven hundred
twenty-two American were captured. Howe soon took Fort Lee on the
New Jersey side and pursued Washington's forces all the way down New
Jersey. He did not catch up, however, and Washington was able to get
away with his army more or less intact across the Delaware River.
Battle of Brandywine
After a month of strategic maneuvering, Sir William Howe marched his
troops toward Philadelphia, the unofficial capital of America.
Washington had been watching Howe carefully and rushed to stop him from
reaching the city. Marquis de Lafayette, a French alley, served with
Washington to fight for American freedom. He was a great help to
Washington in training the Continental Army.
Howe with 18,000 men went to the American post at Brandywine Creek. They
launched a full scale attack on 11,000 of George Washington's men, with
Howe in front and General Cornwallis to the right. The Americans were
totally unaware that the British would try to cross the creek in
separate places. Washington backtracked to Chester, Pennsylvania.
A British pursuit was stopped by another group of soldiers, therefore,
Howe could not occupy the abandoned capital until September 26. British
deaths totaled to about 600 and American losses were 900 dead and
wounded, along with 400 taken prisoner.
At the end of August, General Howe brought his army south by sea,
threatening Philadelphia. On September 10th, Howe's forces attacked the
American troops blocking his way to Philadelphia at Brandywine. In a day
long battle, the British vanquished the American forces. The Americans,
however, were able to extract their army.
Howe regained the initiative by moving his troops south by sea to
threaten Philadelphia. He landed his troops on the west side of the Elk
River on August 25, 1777. After a week of rest, Howe marched his troops
north toward Philadelphia. Washington responded by marching his army
south through Philadelphia to meet Howe. After harassing Howe's advance
for a few days, Washington placed his army behind Brandywine Creek. The
creek was crossable only at a number of fords. At 4:00 AM of the 10th,
while part of his army was engaged in a diversionary attack against
Chads Ford, Howe took the bulk of his army on a long march through back
roads to cross at Trimble and Jeffries Ford at the end of Washington's
unanchored lines. Howe successfully crossed the fords and brought his
troops to Osborne Hill, outflanking Washington's troops. The American
troops redeployed to try to block the British. At 4:00 PM, the British
troops set off down the hill to the music of the British Grenadier. They
marched through a hole in the American lines, but the hole was soon
plugged. The battle continued for a few hours. Hand to hand desperate
fighting ensued. By nightfall, Washington was forced to withdraw. The
British had won the day, but Washington's army, while bruised, was still
intact.
General George Washington’s Report
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS
At Midnight, Chester. September 11, 1777
SIR: I am sorry to inform you, that in this day's engagement, we have
been obliged to leave the enemy masters of the field. Unfortunately the
intelligence received of the enemy's advancing up the Brandywine, and
crossing at a ford about six miles above us, was uncertain and
contradictory, notwithstanding all my pains to get the best. This
prevented my making a disposition, adequate to the force with which the
Enemy attacked us on the right; in consequence of which the troops first
engaged, were obliged to retire before they could be reinforced. In the
midst of the attack on the right, that body of the Enemy which remained
on the other side of Chad's Ford, crossed it, and attacked the division
there under the command of General Wayne and the light troops under
General Maxwell who, after a severe conflict, also retired. The Militia
under the command of Major Genl. Armstrong, being posted at a ford,
about two miles below Chad's, had no opportunity of engaging. But though
we fought under many disadvantages, and were from the causes, above
mentioned obliged to retire, yet our loss of men is not, I am persuaded,
very considerable, I believe much less than the enemy's. We have also
lost about seven or eight pieces of cannon, according to the best
information I can at present obtain. The baggage having been previously
moved off, is all secure, saving the men's Blankets, which being at
their backs, many of them doubtless are lost.
I have directed all the troops to Assemble behind Chester, where they
are now arranging for this Night. Notwithstanding the misfortune of the
day, I am happy to find the troops in good spirits; and I hope another
time we shall compensate for the losses now sustained. The Marquis La
Fayette was wounded in the leg, and Genl. Woodford in the hand. Divers
other Officers were wounded and some Slain, but the number of either
cannot now be ascertained. I have &cat
P. S. It has not been in my power to send you earlier intelligence; the
present being the first leisure moment I have had since the action.
Journal of Colonel Timothy Pickering of Massachusetts.
September 11th
This morning a cannonade took place, the enemy having advanced to the
heights opposite to those occupied by us, on the other side of the ford.
A hot skirmish took place between our light troops, under Maxwell, and a
party of Hessians, in which the latter were chiefly killed and wounded,
not thirty running away, it being judged by Maxwell that three hundred
of them were killed and wounded. The enemy made no attempt to cross at
this place The cannonade was mutual; theirs did us no harm, save killing
one man.
The enemy remaining paraded on the distant heights, and continuing the
cannonade, induced me to think they did not intend to cross at Chad's
Ford, but only to amuse us while their main army crossed at some other
place. The event proved the conjecture right. The enemy's main body
crossed the; Brandywine six or eight miles above, on our right. The
General had intelligence of this by some messengers; but it was
contradicted by others; and, the information remaining a long time
surprisingly uncertain, it was late before a disposition was made to
receive the enemy on that quarter. The consequence was that the
divisions first engaged, being too far distant to be supported by
others, were repulsed; and this laid the foundation for a final defeat.
Nevertheless, Weedon's brigade, which got up a little before night,
fought bravely and checked the pursuit of the enemy, and gave more time
for the others to retreat. This engagement on the right began about half
after three P.M., or four, and lasted till nignt.
When the battle raged most on the right, and the Continental troops were
all, save Wayne's division, drawn off to the right, the enemy opposite
Chad's Ford began a most furious cannonade, which was as warmly returned
from the park of artillery. But at length the enemy pushed over, and,
after an obstinate engagement with our artillery and Wayne's division,
the latter retreated.
The whole army this night retired to Chester. It was fortunate for us
that the night came on, for under its cover the fatigued stragglers and
some wounded made their escape.
Diary of Joseph Clark.
Sept. 11, 1777
The cannonading began in the morning. At the upp~ ford the enemy sent a
great part of their force about noon. Three divisions of our army were
sent immediately to oppose them, viz: Sterling's, Sullivan's and
Stephens'; but as there were no heights at this ford, on our side, to
prevent their landing by cannon from batteries, we were obliged to
oppose them after they had crossed; but as their number was larger than
was expected, they stretched their line beyond ours and flanked our
right wing shortly after the action began. ~
This occasioned the line to break, to prevent being surrounded, though
the firing, while the action lasted, was the warmest, I believe, that
has been in America since the war began; and, as our men on the left of
the line were pretty well stationed, they swept off great numbers of the
enemy before they I retreated, and from the best accounts I could
collect from the officers in the action, the enemy must have suffered
very much from our people before they broke, though, indeed, our people
suffered much in this action, and would have suffered more if Gen'l
Green had not been detached to their assistance, by whose timely aid
they made a safe retreat of the men, though we lost some pieces of
artillery; he, however, got up too late to form in a proper line and
give our party that was broken time to recover. Notwithstanding this
repulse, which was the most severe upon the 3d Virginia Regiment, who,
through mistake, was fired upon by our own men, our whole body got off
with but an inconsiderable loss in men, though something considerable in
artillery.
When the action began at the upper ford, the batteries at the middle
ford opened upon each other with such fury as if the elements had been
in convulsions; the valley was filled with smoke, and now I grew
seriously anxious for the event. For an hour and a half this horrid
sport continued, and about sunset I saw a column of the enemy advance to
one of our batteries and take it. Under cover of their cannon they had
crossed at the ford, and were advancing in a large body. What we lost at
our batteries I have not yet heard. As all our militia were at the lower
ford, where was no action, and Gentl Green sent to reinforce at the
upper ford, we had not a very large party to oppose the enemy at the
middle ford. The body stationed across the valley drew off to the right,
and formed farther back on an eminence, when an engagement began with
musketry, and the enemy gave way; but, as night was spreading its dusky
shade through the gloomy valley, and our army was something broke, it
was necessary to leave the field of action and take care of the troops.
Accordingly, after sunset, the party at the middle ford drew off and
marched down to Chester, where the whole army, by appointment, met. The
sun was set when I left the hill from whence I saw the fate of the day.
His Excellency I saw within 200 yards of the enemy, with but a small
party about him, and they drawing off from their station, our army broke
at the right, and night coming on, adding a gloom to our misfortunes,
amidst the noise of cannon, the hurry of people, and wagons driving in
confusion from the field, I came off with a heart full of distress. In
painful anxiety I took with hasty step the gloomy path from the field,
and traveled 15 miles to Chester, where I slept two hours upon a couple
of chairs....
Journal of Major John Andre, Adjutant General in the British Army.
Sept. 10th & 11th
The army marched in two columns under Lord Cornwallis and General
Knyphausen (Sir William Howe was with the form~ and proceeded to the
forks of Brandywine, crossed the ford there and b. circuit of about
fifteen miles came upon the enemy's right flank, near Birmingham Meeting
House. The latter took the straight road to Chad's Ford opposite to
which the Rebel army lay.
The design, it seemed, was that General Knyphausen, taking post at
Chad’s Ford, should begin early to cannonade the enemy on the opposite
side, there by to take up his attention and make him presume an attack
was then intended with the whole army, whilst the other column should be
perforo. the de'tour. Lord Cornwallis's wding being engaged was to be
the signal for the troops under General Knyphausen to cross the ford
when they were to push their advantage.
The event fell little short of the project. General Knyphausen posted I
himself early in the day on the heights opposite the Rebel army. This
was clistributed on all the most advantageous eminences overlooking the
ford which lay beneath. On one of these hills they had thrown up a small
breast~rork with two guns, one a I2-pounder, and beneath this, flanking
the ford and road, another battery of three guns and a howitzer. Felled
trees obstructed the passage at other fords near this place. It was not
without some opposition that General Knyphausen took up his ground, and
whilst he was tldre a body of 2000 men crossed the river and came upon
his right. They were driven back by one or two regiments.
On the left, Sir William Howe, drawing near Birmingham, found the Rebels
posted on the heights to oppose him. Washington had drawn part of his
army here about two hours before, on receiving the first intimation of
General Howe's approach. At about 4 o'clock the attack began near the
meeting House. The Guards were formed upon the right, the British
Grenadiers in the centre, and the Light Infantry and Chasseurs on the
left. The Hessian Grenadiers supported the Guards and British
Grenadiers, and the 4th Brigade supported the Light Infantry and the
left of the Grenadiers. The 3d Brigade under General Grey was the
reserve. The Guards met with very little resistance and penetrated to
the very height overlooking the 4-gun battery of the Rebels at Chad's
Ford, just as General Knyphausen had crossed. The Hessian Grenadiers
were to their left and not so far advanced. The British Grenadiers
divided after passing Birmingham Meeting House, the ISt Battalion
inclining to the right and the 2d pushing about a mile beyond the
village of Dilworth. The Light Infantry and Chasseurs inclined to the
left, and by this means left an interval which was filled up by part of
the 4th Brigade. The Light Infantry met with the chief resistance at a
hill on which the Rebels had four pieces of cannon. At the end of the
day the 2d Battalion Grenadiers received a very heavy fire; the 64th
Regiment, which was near them, was engaged at the same time. The Rebels
were driven back by thc superior fire the troops, but these were too
much exhausted to be able to charge or pursue. The reserve moved
centrically in the rear of the whole and inclined successively to the
parts most engaged.
General Knyphausen, as was preconcerted, passed the ford upon hearing
the other column engaged, and the troops under him pushed the enemy with
equal success. Night and the fatigue the soldiers had undergone
prevented any porsuit. It is remarkable that after reconnoitering after
the action, the right of General Howe's camp was found close on General
Knyphausen's left, and nearly in a line, and in forming the general camp
next day scarce any alteration was made.
Battle of Germantown
After Howe had occupied Philadelphia, Washington attacked British troops
at Germantown. The Americans planned a four pronged attack. The morning
was foggy, and American coordination broke down. As a result, the attack
failed, and the American troops were forced to withdraw.
On September 22nd, Howe managed to outflank Washington and make his way
into Philadelphia. Nevertheless, Washington was not willing to allow
Howe to remain in Philadelphia unmolested. Early on the morning of
October 4th, Washington's troops attacked the British troops in
Germantown. There were 8,000 troops bivouacked there, and Washington's
plans called for a simultaneous attack by four converging forces. The
Americans were supposed to attack without firing, but shooting broke out
very quickly from both sides. The air around Germantown that early
October morning was laden with a fog so thick that American troops soon
began to attack each other accidentally. Coordination between the
various attacking forces became impossible. As American forces fired on
one another, Howe counterattacked. The initiative moved to the British
and the American forces were forced to withdraw. Once again, the
American forces were defeated. However, the army was still intact, even
after a fierce struggle with the British.
General John Armstrong to General Gates.
Camp, October 9, 1777
Three days ago I wrote you at greater length than at present I can do,
but find thro' hurry in the night I have sent your letter to some other
gentleman. On the fourth inst General Washington attacked the enemy,
marching his troops by various routes about fifteen miles the preceding
night. The British troops were encamped chiefly at German Town, the
foreigners principally betwixt the Falls of Scuilkill and John
Vandurings mill. We could not take off (as was designed) but beat in the
enemies pickquets, so that the surprize was not total but partial.
At the head of German Town the Continental troops attacked with vigor,
and drove the British who frequently rallied and were drove again and
again about the space of two miles, when some unhappy spirit of in- I
formation seized our troops almost universally whereby they began to
retreat and fled in wild disorder unknown to the General—that is,
without his orders and beyond his power to prevent. So that a victory, a
glorious victory | fought for and eight tenths won, was shamefully but
mysteriously lost, for ~ to this moment no one man can or at least will
give any good reason for the I flight. The conjectures are these: The
morning was foggy and so far unfavorable. It's said ours took the
maneuvers of part of our own people for 1 large reinforcements of the
enemy and thereby took fright at themselves or at one another. Some
unhappy officer is said to have called out: "We are~; surrounded, we are
surrounded!" -~
The enemy also in their flight—I mean part of them—took into a cherch,~
and a larger body into Mr Chews Germantown house where on our part out |
ill judged delay was made and the troops impeded in their warm pursuit
There a flag was sent in, insulted and the bearer wounded, where also a
number of our people fell by the wall pieces and musquetry from the
house which proved too strong for the metal of our field pieces. .
My destiny was against the foreigners, rather to divert than with the
militia fight their superior body; however, we attempted both, until the
General, seeing his men retreat, sent for me with the division. [I]
follered a slow cannonade several miles but found him not, fell in with
the rear of the enemy, still supposing them a vanquished party and that
we had victory tho' the firing was then countered. We gave them a brush,
but their artillery, so well directed, soon obliged us to file off, near
two hours after our troops had left the field. I lost but thirty-nine
wounded.
On the other hand every intelligence from town assures us that the
Continental troops in the morning gave the enemy a severe drubing: Genl.
Agnew killed, Grant and Erskin wounded, with some colonels in the
hospital and some churches crowded with their wounded, the triumphing
Tories again shook at the center, the drooping spirits of the Whigs a
little relieved—thus God supports our otherwise sinking spirits which
were also animated by your northern success.
Journal of Colonel Timothy Pickering.
October 3d, 1777.
The troops were got ready for marching, it being intended to make an
attack upon the enemy the next morning. In the eveoing, about eight
o'clock, the troops were on the march, in the following disposition:
General Sullivan, commanding the right wing, was to move down, with his
and Wayne's divisions, on the direct road to Germantown, preceded by
Conway's brigade, which was to take oflf the enemy's picket, file off to
the right, and fall upon the enemy's left flank and rear, while
Sullivan's and Wayne's divisions attacked them in front. Maxwell's and
the North Caroline brigades were to form a second line in rear of
Sullivan and Wayne. General Greene, with the left wing, was to move down
the North Wales road to attack the enemy's right, the front line of this
wing being composed of Greene's and McDougall's divisions, and the
second line, of Stephen's; while Smallwood, with his Maryland, and
Forman, with his Jersey militia, were to attack them on their right
flank and rear. At the same time General Armstrong, with his division of
Pennsylvania militia, was to move down the old Egypt or Schuylkill road,
and take off a Hessian picket posted there, and I attack the enemy's
left wing and rear. The attack was to begin upon enr~ quarter at five in
the morning.
This disposition appears to have been well made; but to execute such a
plan requires great exactness in the officers conducting the columns, as
vell as punctuality in commencing the march, to bring the whole to the
point of I action at once; and for this end it is absolutely necessary
that the length and I quality of the roads be perfectly ascertained, the
time it will take to march them accurately calculated, and guides chosen
who are perfectly acqwinted with the roads. It is also necessary to
assign proper halting-places, either column would arrive before the
appointed hour. All these points, I believe, I were attended to in the
present case; but yet I understood that the guide ot the left wing
mistook the way, so that, although the right wing halted a considerable
time, yet it attacked first, though later than was intended; that
halt being occasioned by information from a prisoner that half a
battalion of the enemy's light infantry had the preceding evening
advanced on the same road a considerable way beyond their picket. It was
necessary, therefore, to make a disposition to secure that party of
light infantry, that their opposition might not frustrate the principal
design. Such a disposition was in fact made; but the enemy had retired
about midnight to their camp.
General Conway's brigade formed the advanced guard, and in the morning,
October 4th, attacked and drove the enemy's picket at Beggarstown ~which
is the upper end of Germantown). The rest of the right wing folio\~ed to
support Conway. In a little time the whole got engaged, save the North
Carolina brigade, which was not brought on to the attack at all. The
other brigades drove the enemy before them a mile or two to the very
center of Germantown. All this time we could not hear of the left wing's
being engaged, for the smoke and fog prevented our seeing them, and our
own fire drowned theirs. (General Washington went with the right wing,
attended by his aides-de-camp and myself.) But the left wing had
engaged, and both wings met almost in the same point, which was at Mr.
Chew's house, into which thc cncmy had thrown a party (we since find
them to have been si\ companies, with a colonel to command them) that
annoyed us prodigious) and absolutely stopped our pursuit—not
necessarily, but we mistook our true interest; we ought to have pushed
our advantage, leaving a party to vatch the enemy in that house. But our
stop here gave the enemy time to recollect themselves and get reenforced,
and eventually to oblige us to retreat; for this period was all
suspense, and the brigades not well collected and turned in the mean
time. Indeed, this would have been, perhaps, impracticable, for the
troops were greatly broken and scattered, great numbers having;, left
their corps to help off the wounded, others being broken by other means,
or by carelessness; for officers and men got much separated from each
other, neither (in numerous instances) knowing where to find their own.
This house of Chew's was a strong stone building and exceedingly
commo~lious, having windows on every side, so that you could not
approach it without being exposed to a severe fire; which, in fact, was
well directed and killed and wounded a great many of our officers and
men. Several of our pieces, six-pounders, were brought up within
musket-shot of it, and fired round balls at it, but in vain: the enemy,
I imagine, were very little hurt; they still kept possession. It was
proposed (for our advanced brigades had driven the enemy some way beyond
it to send a flag to summon the enemy posted theirs to surrender, it
being urged as dangerous to leave them in our rear. A proposal was made
to leave a party to watch them, and for the rest of the army to push on.
But a flag was sent, Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, Deputy Adjutant-General,
offering himself to carry it. I did not expect to see him returning
alive. I imagined they would pay no respect to the flag, they being 'ell
posted, and the battle far enough from being decided. The event
justified my apprehensions: in a few minutes Mr. Smith was brought back
with his leg broken and shattered by a musket-ball fired from the house.
During this time there was a cessation of firing; but soon the enemy
advanced, and our troops gave way on all sides and retired with
precipitation.
This retreat surprised every body (all supposing victory was nearly
secured in our favor); but I think the facts before mentioned will
tolerably well account for that event. Another circumstance also
contributed to it: the foggy, still morning (the air moving very little,
but what there was bringing smoke and fog in our faces) and the body of
smoke from the firing absolutely prevented our seeing the enemy till
they had advanced close upon us. This also prevented the two wings, and
even the different brigades of the same wing, from seeing each other and
cooperating in the best manner; nay, I am persuaded they sometimes fired
on each other, particularly at Chew's house, where the left wing
supposed the cannon-balls fired by the right at the house came from the
enemy. In a word, our disaster was imputed chicfly to the fog and the
smoke, which, from the stillness of the air, remained a long time,
hanging low and undissipated. But, on the other hand, it must be
remembered that the fog blinded the enemy as well as ourselves, though
it certainly injured us most.
Diary of Lieutenant Sir Martin Hunter.
General Wayne commanded the advance, and fully expected to be revenged
for the surprise we had given him. When the first shots were fired at
our pickets, so much had we all Wayne's affair in remembrance that the
battalion was out and under arms in a minute. At this time the day had
just broke; but it was a very foggy morning and so dark we could not see
a hundred yarrds before us. Just as the battalion had formed, the
pickets came in and said the enemy were advancing in force.
They had hardly joined the battalion, when we heard a loud cry of "Have
at the bloodhounds! Revenge Wayne's affair!" and they immediately fired
a volley. We gave them one in return, cheered, and charged. As it was
near the end of the campaign, it was very weak; it did not consist of
more than three hundred men, and we had no support nearer than
Germantown, a mile in our rear. On our charging, they gave way on all
sides, but again and again renewed the attack with fresh troops and
greater force. We charged them twice, till the battalion was so reduced
by killed and wounded thar the bugle was sounded to retreat; indeed had
we not retreated at the very time we did, we should all have been taken
or killed, as two columns of the enemy had nearly got round our flank.
But this was the first time we had retreated from the Americans, and it
was with great difficulty we could get our men to obey our orders.
The enemy were kept so long in check that the two brigades had advanced
to the entrance of Biggenstown when they met our battalion retreating.
By this time General Howe had come up, and seeing the battalion
retreating, all broken' he got into a passion and exclaimed: "For shame,
Light Infantry!
I never saw you retreat before. Form! form! it's only a scouting party."
However, he was soon convinced it was more than a scouting party, as the
heads of the enemy's columns soon appeared. One coming through Biggens"
town, with three pieces of cannon in their front, immediately fired with
grape at the crowd that was standing with General Howe under a large
chesnut-tree. I think I never saw people enjoy a discharge of grape
before; but we really all felt pleased to see the enemy make such an
appearance, and to hear the grape rattle about the commander-in-chief's
ears, after he had accused the battalion of having run away from a
scouting party. He rode off immediately, full speed, and we joined the
two brigades that were now formed a little way in our rear; but it was
not possible for them to make any stand against Washington's whole army,
and they all retreated to Germantown, except Colonel Musgrave, who, with
the 40th Regiment, nobly defended Howe's house till we were reinforced
from Philadelphia.
Battle of Yorktown
The Battle of Yorktown is important because it was the last battle of
the Revolutionary war. On October 17th the British sent a fleet
from New York to help General Cornwallis and his men, but by that time
it was too late. The British were outnumbered and had hardly any food.
Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Hamilton had delivered a letter from
General Washington to General Cornwallis. Washington wrote that he
wanted to stop the "useless effusion of blood." On the same day the
British fleet left New York, General Cornwallis realized there was no
hope for his army.
On October 19, 1781, General Cornwallis and his 7,157 men officially
surrendered to General Washington. No one knew at the time, but this was
the last battle of the War. There were still some minor fights in the
south where there were lots of Loyalists (colonists who remained loyal
to King George III) and there were other battles on the Atlantic Ocean
near England. In April 1782, the British House of Commons voted to
end the war.
The Battle of Yorktown was the climax of the Revolutionary War. The
combined forces of General Washington, General Rochambeau, Admiral de
Grasse, and General Lafayette all converged on the greatest
concentration of British troops in America. It took great amounts of
planning, courage, and skill to execute this attack.
When General Rochambeau met General Washington in 1781 to determine
their next move against the British, Washington wanted to attack New
York City. Rochambeau convinced him that the wiser move was to move
South. Word had come from General Lafayette in Virginia that Cornwallis
had taken up a defensive position at Yorktown. Cornwallis was situated
next to the York River. If they could surround the city by land and cut
off Cornwallis' escape route on the river, Washington and Rochambeau
would strike an enormous blow to the British forces. Planning for the
elaborate campaign began immediately.
French Admiral de Grasse, stationed in the West Indies, would sail with
his fleet to the Chesapeake Bay and secure the mouth of the York River.
Meanwhile, Washington and Rochambeau would march south to Yorktown and
form a semicircle around the city. The plan was simple in concept, but
it would take great military skill to execute.
First, Washington and Rochambeau started to march towards New York City.
They stationed approximately 2500 men at the American forts near the
city to fool the British into believing that Washington's entire force
was still there. Then the combined Franco-American army raced south to
Virginia. As they marched south, Admiral de Grasse's fleet arrived at
the Chesapeake Bay. They defeated the British fleet of Admiral Thomas
Graves and won control of the entire bay. More importantly, this meant
that they controlled the mouth of the York River and could prevent both
Cornwallis' escape and any British communication with Cornwallis. On
September 28, 1781, Washington and Rochambeau, along with Lafayette's
troops and 3,000 of de Grasse's men, arrived at Yorktown. In all, there
were approximately 17,000 men converging on Cornwallis' camp. The stage
was set for the final showdown in America's fight for independence.
The combined forces approached Yorktown from the South. The French,
under Rochambeau, formed the left flank of the attack, while the
American troops, under Washington and Lafayette, approached from the
right. The city was soon surrounded and under heavy fire. On October 14,
the Franco-American forces captured 2 major British redoubts.
Cornwallis' options were running out. He even tried sending blacks
infected with smallpox over enemy lines in an attempt to infect the
American and French troops. After a futile counterattack, Cornwallis
offered to surrender on October 17. On the 19th of October, the papers
were signed and he officially surrendered. This would be the final major
battle of the Revolutionary War.
Immediately after this battle, Lord North, the British Prime Minister,
resigned. His successors decided that it was no longer in Britain's best
interest to continue the war, and by November of 1782, the Treaty of
Paris, in which Britain recognized the United States and promised to
remove all its troops from the country, had been written. Just over 8
years after the Declaration of Independence, the United States of
America was fully established as an independent nation.
During the negotiations at Paris, the course of Franco-American
relations for the next century became apparent. Congress had urged the
American negotiators, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Thomas
Jefferson, and Henry Laurens, to follow the advice of the Comte de
Vergennes. It soon became obvious, however, that Vergennes did not have
the best interests of the United States first on his agenda. During the
Revolutionary War, France and Britain had gone to war directly as well.
The original French-American treaty of alliance stated that the two
countries would not negotiate for peace separately. But the Americans
found that they would get a much better deal if they negotiated
separately from France, who did not want the new country to become too
powerful. John Adams commented that Vergennes "means to keep his hand
under our chin to keep us from drowning, but not to lift our head out of
the water." The American diplomats went ahead and negotiated with
Richard Oswald, the British negotiator, without any input from the
French. When the terms of the treaty were finalized, Vergennes could
only marvel at how well the Americans had negotiated without his help.
-General Cornwallis arrived in Petersburg in May of 1781. After
receiving conflicting instructions, Cornwalis went to Yorktown and began
preparing a naval base there. General Washington moved south and,
together with French ground and naval forces, surrounded the British
army, forcing its surrender and effectively ending the war.
The Siege Of Yorktown
Journal of Colonel Jonathan Trumbull, secretary to George Washington.
September 28
A most wonderful and very observable coincidence of favorable
circumstances having concentered our various and extended preparations,
the army commences its march from Williamsburg and approaches within two
miles of York Town. The enemy on our approach make some shew of
opposition from their cavalry, but upon our bringing up some field
pieces and making a few shot, they retire, and we take a quiet position
for the night.
The General and family sleep in the field without any other covering
than the canopy of the heavens and the small spreading branches of a
tree, which will probably be rendered venerable from this circumstance
for a length of tane to come. Previous to this movement the enemies post
at Glocester on the opposite side of York River had been invested by a
body of militia under the command of Gen. ~Tedon, the French Legion of
the Duke de Lauzun, and a body of French troops from the fleet all under
the command of Brig. Gen. De Choisey. By the approach of the main body,
and lying of the French ships in the mouth of the river, the enemy were
now completely invested, except by water above the town, where they are
yet open, and their boats are troublesome up the river for some
distance. To close them on this side the General has proposed it to the
admiral to run some ships above the town and to take their station
there.
[September] 29. The American troops take their station in the front of
the enemies works, extend from the left of Pigeon Quarter to Moor's Mill
on Wormley's Creek, near the river.
The French troops occupy the left of the Americans and extend to the
river above the town. No opposition this day except a few shots from the
extream works, and small firing from their jagers and our rifle men.
[September] 30. In the morning it is discovered that the enemy have
evacuated all their exterior works, and retired to their interior
defence near the town. We immediately take possession of Pigeon Quarter
and hill, and of the enemies' redoubts, and find ourselves very
unexpectedly upon very advantageous ground, commanding their line of
works in near approach. Scarce a gun fired this day. At night our troops
begin to throw up some works and to take advantage of the enemies'
evacuated labours.
Colonel Scammel,. being officer of the day, is cruelly wounded and taken
prisoner while reconnoitering.
Cornwallis Surrender
Journal of Dr. James Thacher.
October 9th.
This is to us a most glorious day, but to the English, one of bitter
chagrin and disappointment. Preparations are now making to receive as
captives that vindictive, haughty commander and that victorious army,
who, by their robberies and murders, have so long been a scourge to our
brethren of the Southern states. Being on horseback, I anticipate a full
share of satisfaction in viewing the various movements in the
interesting scene.
The stipulated terms of capitulation are similar to those granted to
General Lincoln at Charleston the last year. The captive troops are to
march out with shouldered arms, colors cased and drums beating a British
or German march, and to ground their arms at a place assigned for the
purpose. The officers are allowed their side-arms and private property,
and the generals and such officers as desire it are to go on parole to
England or New York. The marines and seamen of the king's ships are
prisoners of war to the navy of France; and the land forces to the
United States. All military and artillery stores to be delivered up
unimpaired. The royal prisoners to be sent into the interior of
Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania in regiments, to have rations
allowed them equal to the American soldiers, and to have their officers
near them. Lord Cornwallis to man and despatch the Bonetta sloop-of war
with despatches to Sir Henry Clinton at New York without being searched,
the vessel to be returned and the hands accounted for.
At about twelve o'clock army was ---ged and drawn up in two lines
extending more than a mile in length. The Americans were drawn up in a
line on the right side of the road, and the French occupied the left. At
the head of the former, the great American commander, mounted on his
noble courser, took his station attended by his aids~ At the head of the
latter was posted the excellent Count Rochambeau and his suite. The
French troops, in complete uniform, displayed a martial and noble
appearance; their bands of music, of which the timbrel formed a part, is
a delightful novelty and produced while marching to the ground a most
enchanting effect. The Americans, though not all in uniform, nor their
dress so neat, yet exhibited an erect, soldierly air, and every
countenance beamed with satisfaction and joy. The concourse of
spectators from the country was prodigious, in point of numbers was
probably equal to the military, but universal silence and order
prevailed.
It was about two o'clock when the captive army advanced through the line
formed for their reception. Every eye was prepared to gaze on Lord
Cornwallis, the object of peculiar interest and solicitude; but he
disappointed our anxious expectations; pretending indisposition, he made
General O'Hara his substitute as the leader of his army. This officer
was followed by the conquered troops in a slow and solemn step, with
shouldered arms, colors cased and drums beating a British march. Having
arrived at the head of the line, General O'Hara, elegantly mounted,
advanced to his excellency the commander-in-chief, taking oflf his hat,
and apologized for the non-appearance of Earl Cornwallis. With his usual
dignity and politeness, his excellency pointed to Major-General Lincoln
for directions, by whom the British army was conducted into a spacious
field, where it was intended they should ground their arms.
The royal troops, while marching through the line formed by the allied
army, exhibited a decent and neat appearance, as respects arms and
clothing, for their commander opened his store and directed every
soldier to be furnished with a new suit complete, prior to the
capitulation. But in their line of march we remarked a disorderly and
unsoldierly conduct, their step was irregular, and their ranks
frequently broken.
But it was in the field, when they came to the last act of the drama,
that the spirit and pride of the British soldier was put to the severest
test: here their mortification could not be concealed. Some of the
platoon officers appeared to he exceedingly chagrined when giving the
word "ground arms," and I am a witness that they performed this duty in
a very unofficer-like manner; and that many of the soldiers manifested a
sullen temper, throwing their arms on the pile with violence, as if
determined to render them useless. This irregularity, however, was
checked by the authority of General Lincoln. After having grounded their
arms and divested themselves of their accoutrements, the captive troops
were conducted back to Yorktown and guarded by our troops till they
could be removed to the place of their destination.
The British troops that were stationed at Gloucester surrendered at the
same time and in the same manner to the command of the Duke de Luzerne [Lauzun].
This must be a very interesting and gratifying transaction to General
Lincoln, who, having himself been obliged to surrender an army to a
haughty foe the last year, has now assigned him the pleasing duty of
giving laws to a conquered army in return, and of reflecting that the
terms which were imposed on him are adopted as a basis of the surrender
in the present instance. It is a very gratifying circumstance that every
degree of harmony, confidence and friendly intercourse subsisted between
the American and French troops during the campaign—no contest, except an
emulous spirit to excel in exploits and enterprise against the common
enemy, and a desire to be celebrated in the annals of history for an
ardent love of great and heroic actions.
We are not to be surprised that the pride of the British officers is
humbled on this occasion, as they have always entertained an exalted
opinion of their own miltiary prowess and affected to view the Americans
as a contemptible, undisciplined rabble. But there is no display of
magnanimity when a great commander shrinks from the inevitable
misfortunes of war; and when it is considered that Lord Cornwallis has
frequently appeared in splendid triumph at the head of his army, by
which he is almost adored, we conceive it incumbent on him cheerfully to
participate in their misfortunes and degradations, however humiliating;
but it is said he gives himself up entirely to vexation and despair.
General George Washington’s Report of Seige of Yorktown
Head Quarters Before York, October 16, 1781
SIR: I had the honor to inform your Excellency in my last, of the l2th.
instant, that we had the evening before opened our second parallel. The
13th. and 14th. we were employed in compleating it. The Engineers having
deemed the two Redoubts on the left of the enemy's line sufficiently
injured by our shot and shells to make them practicable, it was
determined to carry them by assault on the evening of the 14th. The
following disposition was accordingly made. The Work on the enemy's
extreme left to be attacked hy the American Light Infantry under the
command of the Marquis de la Fayette. The other by a detachment of the
French Grenadiers and Chasseurs commanded by Major General the Baron
Viomenil. I have the pleasure to inform your Excellency that we
succeeded in both. Nothing could exceed the firmness and bravery of the
Troops. They advanced under the fire of the Enemy without returning a
shot and effected the business with the Bayonet only. The reports of His
Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, The Marquis de la Fayette and Lt.
Colonel Hamilton, copies of which I inclose, enter more particularly
into a detail of the mode in which the attacks on the part of the French
and American Columns were Conducted. We made prisoners in both Rcdoubts
one Major, 2 Captains, 3 subalterns and 67 privates.
The Works which we have carried are of vast importance to us. From them
we shall enfilade the enemy's whole line and I am in hopes we shall be
able to command the communication from York to Gloucester. I think the
Batteries of the second parallel will be in sufficient forwardness to
begin to play in the course of this day.
The enemy last night made a sortie for the first time. They entered one
of the French and one of the American Batteries on the second parallel
which were unfinished. They had only time to thrust the points of their
Bayonets into four pieces of the French and two of the American
Artillery and break them off, but the spikes were easily extracted. They
were repulsed the moment the supporting Troops came up, leaving behind
them seven or eight dead and six prisoners. The French had four officers
and twelve privates killed and wounded, and we had one serjeant mortally
wounded.
I inclose your Excellency a Return of the killed and wounded of both
Armies up to the present time. It is much smaller than might have been
expected. I have the honor etc.
Washington’s Report of Surrender at Yorktown
Head Quarters near York, October 19, 1781
SIR: I have the Honor to inform Congress, that a Reduction of the
British Army under the Command of Lord Cornwallis, is most happily
effected. The unremitting Ardor which actuated every Officer and Soldier
in the combined Army on this Occasion, has principally led to this
Important Event, at an earlier period than my most sanguine Hopes had
induced me to expect.
The singular Spirit of Emulation, which animated the whole Army from the
first Commencement of our Operations, has filled my Mind with the
highest pleasure and Satisfaction, and had given me the happiest
presages of Success.
On the 17th instant, a Letter was received from Lord Cornwallis,
proposing a Meeting of Commissioners, to consult on Terms for the
Surrender of the Posts of York and Gloucester. This Letter (the first
which had passed between us) opened a Correspondence, a Copy of which I
do myself the Honor to inclose; that Correspondence was followed by the
Definitive Capitulation, which was agreed to, and Signed on the Igth.
Copy of which is also herewith transmitted, and which I hope, will meet
the Approbation of Congress.
I should be wanting in the feelings of Gratitude, did I not mention on
this Occasion, with the warmest Sense of Acknowledgements, the very
chearfull and able Assistance, which I have received in the Course of
our Operations, from his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, and all his
Officers of every Rank, in their respective Capacities. Nothing could
equal this Zeal of our Allies, but the emulating Spirit of the American
Officers, whose Ardor would not suffer their Exertions to be exceeded.
The very uncommon Degree of Duty and Fatigue which the Nature of the
Service required from the Officers of Engineers and Artillery of both
Armies, obliges me particularly to mention the Obligations I am under to
the Commanding and other Officers of those Corps.
I wish it was in my Power to express to Congress, how much I feel myself
indebted to The Count de Grasse and the Officers of the Fleet under his
Command for the distinguished Aid and Support which have been afforded
by them; between whom, and the Army, the most happy Concurrence of
Sentiments and Views have subsisted, and from whom, every possible
Cooperation has 1Jeen experienced, which the most harmonious Intercourse
could afford.
Returns of the Prisoners, Military Stores, Ordnance Shipping and other
Matters, I shall do myself the Honor to transmit to Congress as soon as
they can be collected by the Heads of Departments, to which they belong.
Colo. Laurens and the Viscount de Noiailles, on the Part of the combined
Army, were the Gentlemen who acted as Commissioners for formg and settg
the Terms of Capitulation and Surrender herewith transmitted, to whom I
am particularly obliged for their Readiness and Attention exhibited on
the Occasion.
Colo Tilghman, one of my Aids de Camp, will have the Honor to deliver
these Dispatches to your Excellency; he will be able to inform you of
every minute Circumstance which is not particularly mentioned in my
Letter; his Merits, which are too well known to need my observations at
this time, have gained my particular Attention, and could wish that they
may be honored with the Notice of your Excellency and Congress.
Your Excellency and Congress will be pleased to accept my
Congratulations on this happy Event, and believe me to be With the
highest Respect etc.
P. S. Tho' I am not possessed of the Particular Returns, yet I have
reason to suppose that the Number of Prisoners will be between five and
Six thousand, exclusive of Seamen and others. |